Trump, Netanyahu, and a bear hug

author

Nihad Abu Ghosh

Many were surprised by Trump's announcement of his explicit support for Benjamin Netanyahu in the fierce Israeli election battle, and the race for the prime ministership with contenders who do not differ fundamentally in their orientations from Netanyahu.

The reasons for the surprise are varied. Some see it as this support occurring in “democratic” elections, as if Israel is more democratic than others. Trump has previously explicitly supported the more right-wing candidates in Argentina, Honduras, Brazil, and Hungary (where his friend and friend of Netanyahu, Viktor Orban, failed). As well as blatant interference in the choices of other countries, such as his refusal to nominate Nouri al-Maliki by representatives of the Iraqi parliamentary majority for the position of Prime Minister, which called for his replacement with an alternative candidate, Ali al-Zaidi.

There is no reason to be surprised. What kind of democracy is this for a country that continues to commit genocide and kill about 25,000 children without batting an eyelid? It works to strip political legitimacy from more than a fifth of its “citizens,” in addition to occupying another people and confiscating their national and human rights, and its government provides all forms of support and political cover to the fascist militias that continue daily killings, burnings, looting of crops, and poisoning of water. A country that commits all these acts cannot be democratic.

Perhaps what has surprised some is that Trump has been avoiding public appearances with Netanyahu recently, and does not prefer the latter’s participation in renewing the war on Iran for several reasons, including that Netanyahu’s presence in the war scene weakens its legitimacy in the eyes of many countries of the world, especially in the eyes of the Arab peoples, because Israel has not yet succeeded in getting rid of the accusation of a genocidal state, and because its image in the world is that of a state that creates wars in search of hegemony and expansionist ambitions. Also, large segments of Americans, Democrats and Republicans, are convinced that Netanyahu was the one who misled President Trump and convinced him to fight this war for purely personal and Israeli accounts, and without any necessity for the United States and the peoples of the region. Therefore, Netanyahu is in any case a “loss partner” and no one wants to be associated with him.

But Trump's portfolio is not without surprises. He previously intervened rudely in Netanyahu's trial, which embarrassed Israeli President Herzog and all the judicial and political institutions in Israel. His explicit support for Netanyahu can simply be understood as being keen to support his interests himself, whether in the battle for the midterm elections, or in his quest to rebuild the world according to the dreams of greatness that drive him. A world built on the equation of naked power alone, in isolation from laws, a world dominated by the conservative and populist right, in which violence, expansion, and military values ​​are glorified at the expense of institutions, constitutions, laws, international treaties, the United Nations, and human rights. And who is better than Netanyahu, the “hero,” “brave,” and “fighter” as Trump describes him, the advocate of the new Sparta as he describes himself, the one who openly sided with the power and might of Genghis Khan at the expense of Christ’s calls for tolerance and love? Who better than “Bibi” to contribute to building this world that Trump longs for?

But the most important question is: Will Trump’s intervention affect the Israeli elections, saving Netanyahu from a high probability of defeat? From what was published, it appears that Netanyahu was the one who kept insisting on requesting support from Trump, and his opponents sensed this early on and tried to block him, without success. So, Netanyahu will undoubtedly benefit from strengthening his image before the Israelis as a statesman and a close personal friend of the president of the largest superpower whose desires and whims have become like an inevitable fate for countries and peoples. However, following up on the details of the electoral battle in Israel shows that Trump’s intervention can have a limited impact, but it will not be decisive, because there are other negative aspects of this intervention, including that it makes the United States and its president the decision-makers in everything related to Israel, including its justice system, and the will of its residents to elect their leadership and representatives, and confirms the fact that Israel is an American vassal and protectorate state, and reveals the functional role assigned to Israel in serving America’s interests as if it were a barracks or an aircraft carrier belonging to the United States.

On the other hand, the criticisms, failures, and accusations directed by the Israelis against Netanyahu are too strong for a Trump statement to erase them. Netanyahu, who is being prosecuted on corruption charges, is also responsible for the largest security failure in the history of Israel, for unprecedented international isolation, for the division of Israeli society, for favoritism towards military service evaders, for settler terrorism, and for the deep rift he caused in the position of Americans towards Israel, especially among the youth sector, and in the relationship with the Jews of the United States. During his reign and because of his policies, Israel was no longer the subject of consensus between the Republican and Democratic parties and American public opinion, and thus Trump’s support for Netanyahu may not benefit either of them, as this support becomes more like hugging a bear that hurts its owner instead of expressing feelings of love and admiration.