From the legitimacy of the vote to the strength of the national decision: electoral synchronization in the service of sovereignty and the unity of the Palestinian project

author

Muhammad Al-Barawy

In pivotal moments in the history of peoples, the value of a political decision is not measured only by its procedural limits or timing, but rather by its ability to comprehend the complexities of the historical moment, preserve the supreme interests of the people, and create the conditions that enable them to transform their legitimate rights into a more solid political and institutional reality. In the Palestinian case, where the battle for national liberation intersects with the entitlements of democratic construction, and the requirements for renewing legitimacy overlap with the challenges of occupation, division, and geographical fragmentation, organizing the electoral process becomes part of a broader equation related to the unity of the national decision, the effectiveness of institutions, and the future of the Palestinian national project.

From this strategic angle, the importance of the presidential decree issued on October 10, 2026, stipulating holding presidential and legislative elections simultaneously on September 11, 2027, emerges. This approach is not limited to unifying the dates of two political elections, but rather opens a horizon for building an integrated electoral path that combines renewing presidential and legislative legitimacy, strengthening the unity of the political system, and affirming the right of the Palestinian people to freely choose their representatives, within a national vision that recalls the specificity of the Palestinian reality and the requirements of the stage.

The essence of electoral synchronization in the Palestinian context is the link between the unity of legitimacy, the unity of institutions, and the unity of national decision-making. Democracy is not a separate path from the battle for sovereignty, and the effect of renewing institutions is not complete once the vote is held, but rather it contributes to strengthening the ability of the political system to represent the people, unify its references, protect their rights, and direct its energies towards its comprehensive national goal: ending the occupation and embodying the independent, sovereign Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital.

The importance of this vision is doubled in a reality in which the occupation imposes direct restrictions on freedom of movement, organization, and political participation, and in which settlement activity and attacks on Palestinian rights continue to undermine the components of normal national life. In the face of this reality, comprehensive elections gain a significance that goes beyond democratic practice in its internal dimension. It is an affirmation of the continuity of the unified Palestinian national character, adherence to the people’s right to self-determination, and a rejection of attempts to impose geographical and political division as a fait accompli with no alternative.

Accordingly, the reading of the presidential decision should start from the integration of its national, institutional, political and diplomatic dimensions. Electoral synchronization is related to renewing legitimacy, as well as creating conditions for participation in East Jerusalem, the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip, strengthening the unity of institutions, and consolidating the unifying national reference represented by the Palestine Liberation Organization. These are not separate paths, but rather interconnected links in a vision that makes elections a lever for the cohesion of the political system and its ability to continue the national struggle with clarity in vision and decision.

First: Electoral synchronization, from organizing entitlement to integrating legitimacy

Holding presidential and legislative elections simultaneously gives the democratic process a more integrated institutional framework, as it allows the people to express their will regarding political leadership and legislative representation within a single national entitlement. The importance of this is not limited to unifying the voting date, but rather extends to enhancing harmony between elected institutions, clarifying the relationship between their powers and responsibilities, and providing a more cohesive basis for political and institutional work.

Political legitimacy does not derive its strength from texts and procedures alone, but rather is enhanced by the ability of institutions to perform their functions, respect their competencies, respond to the needs of citizens, and work within the framework of the law, accountability and transparency. The more institutional roles are integrated, the greater the ability of the political system to transform popular will into policies, decisions, and programs that respond to national priorities.

In the Palestinian case, this integration acquires exceptional importance due to the division and the resulting divergence in political institutions and references. Therefore, simultaneous elections provide an opportunity to strengthen the unity of the political system, expand popular participation, consolidate pluralism, and reconnect democratic representation with the responsibility of institutions towards citizens.

This is inseparable from the status of the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, and from the necessity of strengthening integration between its institutions and the institutions of the National Authority, in a way that preserves the unifying national reference and preserves the unity of the national project in the homeland and the diaspora.

Ultimately, what is required is not only to renew legitimacy in its procedural sense, but also to strengthen its ability to produce coherent political and institutional action. When legitimacy is integrated with the effectiveness of institutions, and pluralism meets unity of purpose, democratic life becomes a tributary of national steadfastness, not just a periodic organizational entitlement.

Second: Managing entitlement under occupation and the battle to ensure participation

Elections held under stable national sovereignty differ from elections attempted by an occupied people in an environment lacking control over territory, borders, and freedom of movement. In Palestine, the electoral process is affected by settlements, incursions and attacks, restrictions on movement and political action, and the continued detention of clearing funds, as well as the exceptional security and humanitarian conditions in the Gaza Strip.

The presidential decision came in light of these facts, and in the wake of national consultations with political factions and forces, while emphasizing the necessity of creating the appropriate political, security, and field conditions to hold free, fair, and comprehensive elections. This context reflects the importance of dealing with electoral entitlement as an integrated process that requires actual conditions for exercising rights, not just setting a date for voting.

Free elections are not achieved through ballot boxes alone; Rather, it requires freedom of candidacy, expression, and political organization, the ability of voters to reach polling stations, enabling the competent authorities to perform their duties independently, and providing the necessary guarantees for the integrity of procedures and respect for results. When the occupation imposes restrictions on these requirements, removing obstacles becomes an essential part of the national effort aimed at protecting the democratic right.

Hence, preparing for the elections requires parallel work at the internal and external levels: technical and institutional preparation on the one hand, and political, diplomatic and legal action on the other hand, to secure the freedom and comprehensiveness of participation in various parts of the country. This includes communicating with relevant international parties, clarifying the occupation’s responsibility for the imposed obstacles, and mobilizing support to ensure the ability of the Central Elections Committee and observers to perform their duties.

The challenge is not only to organize elections despite the restrictions, but also to protect their national and democratic meaning from the effects of those restrictions. The broader participation and freedom of choice are strengthened, the more the electoral process can play its role in unifying the Palestinian political community and renewing the legitimacy of its institutions.

Third: East Jerusalem...the criterion of territorial integrity and sovereignty

East Jerusalem occupies a central place in the Palestinian national project, as the capital of the desired Palestinian state, a symbol of national and historical identity, and an inseparable component of the unity of the land, the people, and political representation.

From this standpoint, the participation of Jerusalemites in the elections is not a procedural detail that can be separated from the rest of the entitlement, but rather an essential element in the comprehensiveness of the democratic process and in affirming the unity of national reference. Elections aimed at renewing Palestinian legitimacy are incomplete without enabling the people of Jerusalem to exercise their right to choose their representatives, and without preserving the city’s connection to the institutions of the Palestinian people and their national project.

Israeli restrictions on Palestinian political activity and the work of national institutions in the city pose a challenge that goes beyond organizational issues to the essence of sovereignty and representation. Therefore, ensuring the participation of Jerusalemites requires organized diplomatic and legal action, based on relevant international references, and working to mobilize a clear international position regarding the obstacles that prevent the exercise of this right.

It also requires integrated Palestinian coordination, combining official action, popular action, parliamentary diplomacy, and communication with international organizations, with the aim of confirming the right of Jerusalemites to political participation, and preventing the restrictions imposed on them from being turned into a means of separating the city from its national surroundings.

Jerusalem is not a file parallel to the elections, but rather it is at the core of its political meaning. Its inclusion in the electoral process confirms the unity of the national geography, preserves Palestinian representation, and upholds the right of the people to establish their state on their land with East Jerusalem as its capital.

Fourth: The Gaza Strip: Restoring national life is a condition for unity of participation

The comprehensiveness of the Palestinian elections is not complete without the effective participation of the Gaza Strip, as it is an integral part of the Palestinian land, people, and political system. The war resulted in extremely difficult humanitarian and security conditions, widespread destruction of infrastructure and civilian facilities, and profound damage to the ability of institutions to work and to the components of the daily life of the population.

These conditions directly affect the possibility of holding general elections, as the electoral process requires an environment that allows freedom of movement, the arrival of specialized teams, the completion of technical and administrative procedures, ensuring the participation of citizens, and providing the minimum level of stability necessary for the exercise of political rights.

The decree referred to field and logistical obstacles related to the security and humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip, the failure to complete the Israeli withdrawal, and the failure to begin reconstruction, as well as the restrictions imposed on the access of Central Elections Commission crews and international observers. These data demonstrate that preparing the electoral environment in Gaza is linked to addressing conditions that go beyond the limits of direct electoral work.

Hence, humanitarian recovery, reconstruction, and restoring the functioning of institutions should be viewed as interconnected elements in restoring national life. Rebuilding what was destroyed by war is not only an economic or service issue, but rather part of re-empowering society to practice its civil and political life, and restoring its ability to participate in shaping its future.

The unity of Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, is also of decisive importance in confronting attempts to separate the components of the Palestinian land from each other. Geographical fragmentation threatens the unity of political representation, weakens the possibility of building integrated national institutions, and hinders the embodiment of an independent Palestinian state.

Accordingly, the success of the elections requires a national and diplomatic effort that ensures the creation of the necessary conditions for the participation of the people of Gaza, preserves the unity of the political system, and confirms that the political rights of the Palestinian people are not divided by geography and are not lost as a result of war and occupation.

Fifth: International law and diplomacy...transforming the legitimacy of a right into the ability to influence

The Palestinian position is based on a system of principles and rules established in international law, foremost of which is the right of peoples to self-determination, the right of citizens to participate in the management of public affairs, and to elect and run in genuine periodic elections that guarantee the free expression of the will of voters. In this context, Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights constitutes a basic reference for rights related to political and electoral participation.

These references gain special importance in the Palestinian situation, where political rights intertwine with the reality of occupation and the restrictions imposed on the people’s free exercise of their will on their land. However, the strength of the legal argument is not achieved merely by relying on international texts and resolutions, but rather by the ability of Palestinian institutions to employ them within a clear and continuous political and diplomatic strategy.

Here, the necessity of moving from establishing rights to enhancing the ability to protect them emerges: through building international alliances, expanding the circle of political support, communicating with governments, parliaments and international organizations, following up on the implementation of relevant decisions, and working to transform positions in support of Palestinian rights into practical, measurable and influential steps.

This path also requires a careful distinction between the strength of the legal authority and the mechanisms for its implementation, and between recognition of the principle and practical commitment to its requirements. International law provides a basis for claims, but it requires an organized diplomatic effort, institutional coordination, and a clear political discourse that defines rights, demands, and responsibilities.

The international presence and recognition that Palestinian diplomacy has accumulated constitutes a base on which to build to strengthen the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, demand the removal of obstacles that hinder the participation of Jerusalemites and the people of the Gaza Strip in the elections, and continue the international effort to end the occupation and embody independence.

Integration between legal, diplomatic and political work would give the Palestinian cause greater ability to influence, and link the legitimacy of Palestinian demands with the possibility of translating them into practical results. A just cause requires a solid legal argument, effective diplomacy, and institutions capable of unifying the message and pursuing its goals.

This is the essence of the transition from the legitimacy of the right to the power of action: that rights are transformed from recognized principles into active elements in a national strategy that protects the people and the land, strengthens institutions, expands the space of international influence, and pushes towards freedom and independence.

Sixth: National dialogue, integration of institutions, and renewal of public confidence

Elections do not begin on polling day, but are preceded by a national and institutional process that requires dialogue and technical preparation, enhancing confidence, ensuring equal opportunities, and respecting the legal rules regulating political competition. Hence, national consultations between factions and political forces constitute an important basis for converging positions, unifying efforts to address obstacles, and enhancing participation in defining national priorities.

Political pluralism is not the opposite of national unity. Rather, it becomes a source of strength when it is managed within democratic rules that respect differences, ensure peaceful competition, and preserve the highest interests of the people. The unity required is not the abolition of diversity, but rather a political and institutional framework that allows this diversity to be transformed into constructive energy that serves common national goals.

Confidence in the electoral process is also enhanced through clarity of procedures, transparency of preparations, respect for the law, independence of competent authorities, guaranteeing the rights of candidates and voters, and providing professional electoral oversight. These are not only technical requirements, but rather essential elements in consolidating the relationship between the citizen and his institutions and enhancing the credibility of the political system.

It also highlights the importance of expanding the participation of youth, women, unions, universities, and civil society institutions, allowing for the renewal of political life, expanding the base of representation, and benefiting from Palestinian energies and competencies at home and in the diaspora.

In this context, elections should be integrated with a broader path to develop national institutions, strengthen the rule of law, consolidate the principle of public responsibility, and improve the ability of institutions to respond to the needs of citizens. The effectiveness of a political system is not measured only by its ability to organize entitlements, but also by its ability to transform its results into institutional performance that serves people and protects their interests.

The next stage provides room for strengthening dialogue, institutional and diplomatic preparedness, and unifying efforts around achieving a comprehensive electoral entitlement, in a way that consolidates pluralism, enhances the unity of national decision-making, and makes popular participation a source of renewed national capacity to face challenges.

It can be asserted that the presidential decree to hold presidential and legislative elections simultaneously on September 11, 2027 places the democratic entitlement within a national vision that links renewal of legitimacy, strengthening the unity of the political system, preserving the political rights of the Palestinian people, and creating the necessary conditions for the participation of citizens in East Jerusalem, the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip.

The importance of this trend goes beyond the date of the elections and the mechanisms for organizing them; It opens the way for enhancing institutional integration, expanding popular participation, developing political life, and directing national and diplomatic efforts towards removing the obstacles imposed by the occupation on the exercise of Palestinian rights. The strategic value of this path remains linked to its ability to unify references and efforts, enhance the effectiveness of institutions, and provide conditions for comprehensive national participation.

The bet is not limited to achieving the electoral entitlement, but extends to employing it in building a more cohesive national capacity, based on renewed popular legitimacy, integrated institutions, effective diplomacy, and a clear legal reference. The Palestinian battle is not over the land alone, but rather over the people’s right to represent themselves, preserve their political identity, determine their fate, and embody their independent state.

At this delicate stage, national responsibility requires giving priority to the higher interest, promoting dialogue, unifying efforts around the goals served by the decision, and continuing political, diplomatic and legal work to create the conditions for the success of the elections. The challenges imposed by the occupation do not detract from Palestinian rights, but rather emphasize the necessity of having a strategic vision capable of protecting these rights and turning them into tangible achievements.

The transition from the legitimacy of the vote to the power of national decision-making is the essence of the desired Palestinian vision: for rights to be transformed into achievements, legal references into tools of influence, unity of position into political and diplomatic capacity, and institutions into levers of the will of the people. In this path, comprehensive elections remain a national milestone for strengthening legitimacy and unity and renewing the ability to continue the struggle for freedom and independence, and the establishment of an independent, sovereign Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital.